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For whom the corridor tolls
 

Thursday, October 19, 2006

The only jab that scored against Rick Perry in his last campaign was his opponent’s use of a video from a traffic stop in which Perry told a state trooper to “let us get on down the road.”

Who imagined that our governor would set out, upon re-election, to construct a super highway he could use all by himself?

Perry portrays the Trans-Texas Corridor as the answer to, um, swift motor conveyance.

With the tolls foreseen if and when it ever happens, only Perry could afford it, and only by dipping into his $9 million campaign chest.

Of course, officials with Spanish contractor Cintra-Zachry have been good to Perry. They’ve donated $59,000 this year to his re-election. Maybe he’d get a lifetime toll tag.

Then again he may not live that long. That’s no comment on Perry’s longevity. The state says 2014 is a target date. But none of us may live to see Perry’s ultimate road trip.

When I read that it might cost $15 in projected tolls to drive from Waco to Austin on it, I visualized two things: (1) me never using it; (2) the bullet train that wasn’t.

You may remember the bullet train. In the ’90s, Texas went though similar rigmarole with it. It would have had some of the same characteristics. The leading suitor was a foreign company (French). The plan inflamed landowners far and wide. And the state was committed to spending no money constructing it.

Ultimately, the plan fell apart largely on the latter concern. It was not feasible to build a high-speed rail without a considerable state subsidy. Of course, it’s absurd that subsidy of an alternative means of transportation should be verboten if the state really needs it. See how taxpayers subsidize vehicular and air travel.

Now we have a proposed mega-superhighway to be funded by tolls alone. No tax dollars going that-away. No, sir.

Well, I’m here to tell you that if tolls are going to 15.2 cents per mile for cars and 58.5 cents per mile for trucks (Texas Department of Transportation projections), you can set speed limits however you want on the Trans-Texas Corridor. The only vehicles on it will be Brinks trucks hauling gold ingots and that solitary limousine carrying an ex-governor of Texas who still, even in 2014, has good hair.

Maybe by 2014 we’ll know the details of the state’s contract with Cintra-Zachry, something Attorney General Greg Abbott has sued to obtain but which Perry and Co. have fought.

It’s proprietary, see? Perry believes in contracting government out whenever possible. And with it goes pertinent information that is “proprietary” and none of your business, even if the contract is awarded in your name.

A WFAA report calls Nov. 7 a “referendum on the Trans-Texas Corridor.” Maybe so. Of course, with a field split between four major candidates, three of whom are blasting the TTC, even the loser in this referendum is likely to win.

The real referendum, if this boondoogle proceeds, will be in motorists who vote with their bumpers. They’ll opt for clogged interstates over confiscatory tolls by a foreign company.

Maybe Texas should just pay for better highways, and for rail alternatives, you know?

John Young’s column appears Thursday and Sunday. E-mail: jyoung@wacotrib.com.

 

Dedicated Funds defined & illustrated

As Texans' fees pool, programs drained!

Money meant for specific needs is often diverted for other uses.


AMERICAN-STATESMAN STAFF
Sunday, August 13, 2006

Like water through a vast maze of pipes and valves, about $142 billion flows through the Texas state bookkeeping works during a two-year budget cycle, eventually filtering out to the agencies and programs that keep the state running.

More than a decade ago, state lawmakers figured out how to attach a spigot to the system, a little-noticed device that has allowed them to drain off money before it reaches its intended destination.

The custom involves so-called dedicated accounts, money the state presumably collects to spend on specific purposes, such as the 65-cent electric bill surcharge created to help low-income Texans pay their electric bills, or the $30 collected for each "animal friendly" license plate that's supposed to fund spay/neuter programs. Over the years, lawmakers have created about 200 such funds, and they now make up about $5.6 billion — about 4 percent — of the state budget. The public is generally left to believe that the dedicated money goes where it was intended. But often that is not true. Legislators have become accustomed to siphoning off dedicated funds, a practice even one powerful state senator said looks "rather dubious."

The custom began when Democrats controlled the Legislature and has continued under Republicans. And it's entirely legal, thanks to a law passed in 1991.

Lawmakers say they need the budget flexibility to respond to changing needs and avoid painful cuts in services or tax increases.

But the practice is drawing mounting criticism from advocates who say the state is collecting fees under false pretenses and shortchanging some of the programs to which it originally dedicated the money.

"Texans deserve to have all of their fees used as promised," said Ramón Alvarez, a scientist with Environmental Defense, a nonprofit advocacy group.

The continued deterioration of state parks, one victim of diversion, has drawn the most attention lately.

But a review of state budget records shows that the practice is widespread. And a closer examination of five dedicated accounts shows that when the money is diverted, officials shortchange services or increase fees.

Emissions quandary

In 2001, lawmakers facing federal pressure to clean up the air needed to do something to reduce nitrogen oxide emissions in Texas cities. They decided to give money primarily to businesses to replace older trucks, locomotives and other equipment, or to upgrade the engines inside them.

Texans pay a title transfer fee of up to $20 on any vehicle to fund the program. The state also raises money through registration and inspection surcharges for commercial vehicles and through a fee on the sale or lease of off-road diesel equipment.

Of the fees collected, legislators appropriated $257 million for the program in the current two-year budget, which Comptroller Carole Keeton Strayhorn's office estimates will leave $314 million sitting in the account at the end of this budget cycle.

The state has until 2010 to meet the federal government's emission guidelines, and officials say it's too early to tell whether that will happen. But what is clear is that there is more demand for the money than what's available. In 2005, the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality received $100 million worth of grant requests that it could not fund because the Legislature had not authorized it to do so.

Alvarez said he cannot see how the state will meet its guidelines by 2010.

"There are different things you could spend the money on, and of course you want to spend it in a smart way," Alvarez said. "But there is definitely a relationship here that the more money you spend, the more reductions you get."

New budget rules

Because the state constitution forbids deficit spending, the state comptroller must predict how much cash will come in from the taxes and fees Texas charges its residents and certify that there should be enough money to fund the budgets approved by legislators every two years.

Until the 1990s, scores of small, dedicated funds tucked into the budget were off-limits and could not be counted in the comptroller's revenue predictions.

But over time, lawmakers have shifted some of them to the general revenue fund, where the money is available for any use, or at least allowed the fund balances to be counted when the budget is certified.

The more money that piles up in the dedicated funds, the easier it becomes to balance the state's books, especially in tight budget times.

In 1991, lawmakers passed a law explicitly saying that unspent balances in dedicated accounts could be used to certify other areas of the state budget.

The amount of unspent money in dedicated accounts has grown since then, officials say, as more accounts have been created, some fees have produced more cash than expected and lawmakers have decided for various reasons not to spend all the money.

Senate Finance Committee Chairman Steve Ogden, R-Bryan, said lawmakers hold back some of the money for three main reasons.

First, they want to spend only as much as a program needs. Second, there is sometimes uncertainty about how much money a fee will generate, and they don't want to spend more than they have. And third, sometimes they need the money to balance the rest of the budget.

In 2003, the Legislature, fresh off a no-new-taxes campaign that helped propel the Republican Party into full control of state government, faced a $9.9 billion shortfall and "any little standing pool of money, somebody got a sponge and started working on it," Deputy Comptroller Billy Hamilton said.

Heading into the 2005 legislative session, Strayhorn projected that state general revenue would grow by $6.4 billion but that lawmakers would need $6 billion just to continue the scaled-back programs they funded two years earlier. So the budget remained tight with Medicaid cost increases, public education and property tax cuts commanding lawmakers' attention.

It wasn't until after lawmakers wrote their budget that talk surfaced of a large surplus that would help fund property tax cuts as part of a court-ordered overhaul of the state's school finance system.

"I think history will say from that context that those decisions (regarding dedicated accounts) were pretty good," Ogden said. "The budget did balance, we did have enough money to get us out of the courthouse with regard to public school finance, and we were pleasantly surprised to have a substantial amount of money to cut property taxes."

Use of dedicated fee balances to balance the budget is not going away, but it may be curtailed.

"There's been a spotlight put on this practice, which any objective person would say is rather dubious. Plus, the state's not broke," Ogden said, predicting that the Legislature will rely less on money in dedicated accounts to balance its next budget.

Tapping into funds

Not all dedicated funds have been affected. The current budget left undisturbed some dedicated revenue streams, such as tuition and fees for higher education, and even let some programs tap into their unspent reserves. But others have not fared as well.

In November, the Department of State Health Services announced that it would increase the fees for obtaining birth and death certificates to $22 and $20 from $11 and $9 to pay for a five-year project transferring vital records from microfilm and paper to electronic images.

Department officials project that the fee increases will raise $2.8 million a year. But in 2005, legislators had more than $18 million to allocate for the records program, and they allocated just $6.7 million, according to Strayhorn's office. In other words, the department raised fees by $2.8 million per year while more than $11 million that was already in the account was left unspent.

On an even smaller scale, Strayhorn's office predicts there will be $2.2 million in an account for spaying and neutering animals over the next two years, including money that accumulated previously. The money is raised through a $30 license plate that says "animal friendly" and pictures a cat and a dog. But lawmakers put just $500,000 of that money into the program for the next two years.

Animal Trustees of Austin's spay and neuter clinic used to advertise free surgeries to sterilize animals from five local ZIP codes that were deemed low-income, and it would pay for those surgeries with money raised through the license plates. But the state funding has stopped. Executive Director Missy McCullough said she still provides free surgeries when they're requested, but she can no longer afford to promote them because the demand would quickly outpace the supply.

"I didn't renew my animal friendly license plate this year because I'd just as soon not pay that $30 if it's not going to really go where it needs to go," McCullough said.

Creating controversy

One of the most controversial decisions the Legislature made regarding dedicated accounts in 2005 was not to spend money collected through the System Benefit Fund.

The 2005 Legislature opted to redirect the fund, a 65-cent charge on electric bills that was born in 1999 to give low-income residents a discount on their electric bills — about $13 per month in 2004. The program is not offered, and the fee not collected, in Austin because the city's municipal residential electric market is not deregulated. The program was created as part of a push for electricity deregulation in 1999.

The staff of the Legislative Budget Board recommended in early 2005 that the Legislature instead spend the money on Medicaid, whose costs had grown 32 percent in five years. The staff reasoned that 58 percent of the fund's recipients in 2004 received Medicaid benefits already, so it would help many of the same people. In addition, since the amount of federal money that the state receives increases with state spending on Medicaid, Texas writers could tap into as much as $616 million in federal funding.

The Legislature stopped spending the money on the electric discount program. Indirectly, it helped pay for Medicaid, because that money was available for general spending if needed.

Last week, after some publicity about the fund's shortfalls, Gov. Rick Perry sent a letter to the state Public Utility Commission saying that the discount should be restored or the state should stop collecting the fee.

Meanwhile, PUC figures show that the number of disconnection notices sent out in deregulated areas because of a lack of payment increased from 94,000 in March 2005 to more than 116,000 last March.

"The loss of the discount for low-income electric consumers undoubtedly created something of a hardship," said Theresa Gage, a commission spokeswoman. But she quickly added she had no evidence that the loss of the discount directly contributed to the increase in disconnections.

Feeling the pinch

Perhaps no agency has felt the sting of underfunded revenue more than the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department.

Sales taxes collected on sporting goods are supposed to be spent on state parks — it's not a dedicated revenue per se, but the money feeds into two parks-related dedicated accounts. The sales tax now brings in about $105 million a year, but for several years the amount of that money that can go to the parks has been capped at $32 million. To take it one step further, the Legislature decided to spend just $21 million of that money on parks this year.

The Austin American-Statesman reported earlier this year that 50 of the state's 114 parks have cut back on services and operations and the parks department has cut about 150 jobs over the past five years. The 929 vehicles in the state parks department are, on average, 10 years old and have 107,000 miles on them.

But when parks officials were called before budget-writers in 2005 to discuss their funding needs, "we didn't hear any of that," said House Appropriations Committee Chairman Jim Pitts, R-Waxahachie. Pitts said he and Ogden have met with parks officials in recent weeks and are looking for ways to increase parks funding.

A separate account, funded mostly with fees for hunting and fishing licenses, exists to pay for game wardens, stocking lakes and other wildlife programs. Strayhorn's office estimates that when the current two-year budget cycle ends, about $27 million will be sitting in the account unspent.

"I have sat up there on the dais and had politicians say to me, 'Would you rather take care of the bighorn sheep in West Texas or feed a hungry child?' " said Scott Boruff, deputy executive director for operations at Parks and Wildlife. "Of course, my answer is always, 'I'd rather feed a hungry child.' "

But, he added, "that's not the point. The point is, if you buy a fishing license, part of your assumption is that money is going to allow there to be fish wherever you go fishing. And that the water is going to be clean enough that the fish aren't all dead. And that the game wardens are going to make sure that somebody else isn't going out there with a stick of dynamite and blowing them all out of the water."

jembry@statesman.com; 445-3654

 


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Last updated: 06/02/08.